TY - JOUR
T1 - Locality domains and morphological rules
T2 - Phases, heads, node-sprouting and suppletion in Korean honorification
AU - Choi, Jaehoon
AU - Harley, Heidi
N1 - Funding Information:
We are grateful to audiences at the 25th Colloquium on Generative Grammar at the Center for the Study of the Basque Language and its Texts (UMR 5478), May 2015; the 10th International Workshop on Theoretical East Asian Linguistics at Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, June 2015; the Linguistics Colloquium Series at the University of Connecticut, April 2016; the 91st Annual Meeting of Linguistic Society of America, in Austin, Texas, January 2017; the 11th Generative Linguistics in the Old World in Asia at the National University of Singapore, February 2017; the 35th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics at the University of Calgary, April 2017; Roots V at University College London and University of London/Queen Mary, June 2017; and the 19th Seoul International Conference on Generative Grammar at Seoul National University, August 2017 for helpful discussion and feedback. We would also like to thank our NLLT referees and editor, Jason Merchant, for their careful and thoughtful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. Finally, we extend our gratitude to our consultants for their patience and care in answering repeated questions about very subtle distinctions in form and meaning, and Chungmin Lee for sharing his knowledge on Korean negation marker and his works. This research was supported in part by a Daegu University Research Grant, 2016.
Publisher Copyright:
© 2019, Springer Nature B.V.
PY - 2019/11/1
Y1 - 2019/11/1
N2 - Korean subject honorification and Korean negation have both affixal and suppletive exponents. In addition, Korean negation has a periphrastic realization involving an auxiliary verb. By examining their interaction, we motivate several hypotheses concerning locality constraints on the conditioning of suppletion and the insertion of dissociated morphemes (‘node-sprouting’). At the same time, we come to a better understanding of the nature of Korean subject honorification. We show that Korean honorific morphemes are ‘dissociated’ or ‘sprouted,’ i.e., introduced by morphosyntactic rule in accordance with morphological well-formedness constraints, like many other agreement morphemes. We argue that the conditioning domain for node-sprouting is the syntactic phase. In contrast, our data suggest that the conditioning domain for suppletion is the complex X0, as proposed by Bobaljik (2012). We show that the ‘spanning’ hypotheses concerning exponence (Merchant 2015; Svenonius 2012), the ‘linear adjacency’ hypotheses (Embick 2010), and ‘accessibility domain’ hypothesis (Moskal 2014, 2015a, 2015b; Moskal and Smith 2016) make incorrect predictions for Korean suppletion. Finally, we argue that competition between honorific and negative suppletive exponents reveals a root-outwards effect in allomorphic conditioning, supporting the idea that insertion of vocabulary items proceeds root-outwards (Bobaljik 2000).
AB - Korean subject honorification and Korean negation have both affixal and suppletive exponents. In addition, Korean negation has a periphrastic realization involving an auxiliary verb. By examining their interaction, we motivate several hypotheses concerning locality constraints on the conditioning of suppletion and the insertion of dissociated morphemes (‘node-sprouting’). At the same time, we come to a better understanding of the nature of Korean subject honorification. We show that Korean honorific morphemes are ‘dissociated’ or ‘sprouted,’ i.e., introduced by morphosyntactic rule in accordance with morphological well-formedness constraints, like many other agreement morphemes. We argue that the conditioning domain for node-sprouting is the syntactic phase. In contrast, our data suggest that the conditioning domain for suppletion is the complex X0, as proposed by Bobaljik (2012). We show that the ‘spanning’ hypotheses concerning exponence (Merchant 2015; Svenonius 2012), the ‘linear adjacency’ hypotheses (Embick 2010), and ‘accessibility domain’ hypothesis (Moskal 2014, 2015a, 2015b; Moskal and Smith 2016) make incorrect predictions for Korean suppletion. Finally, we argue that competition between honorific and negative suppletive exponents reveals a root-outwards effect in allomorphic conditioning, supporting the idea that insertion of vocabulary items proceeds root-outwards (Bobaljik 2000).
KW - Dissociated morphemes
KW - Honorification
KW - Locality
KW - Morphologically conditioned allomorphy
KW - Phase
KW - Suppletion
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U2 - 10.1007/s11049-018-09438-3
DO - 10.1007/s11049-018-09438-3
M3 - Article
AN - SCOPUS:85062773157
SN - 0167-806X
VL - 37
SP - 1319
EP - 1365
JO - Natural Language and Linguistic Theory
JF - Natural Language and Linguistic Theory
IS - 4
ER -